Tag Archives: Politics

Will Kenya’s renewed privatisation push succeed?

Image : State Department photo by Ron Przysucha/ Public Domain

President William Ruto has announced that 35 state-owned enterprises are slated for privatisation, thrilling stock market executives but dismaying opponents.

A recent change in the privatisation laws of Kenya has empowered the National Treasury to sell state owned enterprises without seeking approval from Parliament. The government argues that the amended law, enacted in October 2023, will eliminate bureaucratic hurdles and expedite the privatisation process. Shortly after assenting to the legislation, President William Ruto announced that 35 state-owned enterprises were slated for privatisation. Among them are the Kenya Pipeline Company and the Kenyatta International Conference Centre (KICC).If successful, this will mark a departure from the previous administration of Uhuru Kenyatta, which did not privatise any public companies. The last successful privatisation in Kenya was that of Safaricom in 2008, during the tenure of President Mwai Kibaki, who oversaw the sale of shares in several state-controlled firms such as Mumias Sugar, Kenya Reinsurance and Kengen.Is the timing right?Proponents of privatisation in Kenya argue that it will improve the government’s fiscal situation by generating income from the sale of assets amid mounting debt obligations that have compelled the government to increase taxes and cut back on non-essential spending. Kenya’s national debt increased from $35.39bn in 2018, to $55.08bn in 2021, and $71.48bn in 2023, according to data compiled from official sources by Statista. The global research firm projects that Kenya’s national debt will continuously increase between 2023 and 2028 by a total of $36.7bn.“The timing is right. Like many frontier economies, Kenya is faced with a huge debt burden,” says Kiprono Kittony, chairman of the board of directors of the Nairobi Securities Exchange (NSE). “Why should the government be so indebted, when it has its own assets?”Kittony notes that privatisation could unlock numerous benefits for the economy if done correctly. “Privatised companies will be more efficient, they will foster greater innovation, and they will be more market-driven; even the caliber of talent they attract will improve.”He argues that a private-sector led economy has one major advantage: it minimises unwanted political meddling in various economic sectors. “Privatised companies can aggressively compete for customers and market share as opposed to worrying about satisfying political whims.”

According to Kittony, listing of state-owned enterprises could also help address some of the corporate governance concerns surrounding these firms.

“The corporate governance of listed companies far exceeds that of non-listed companies, and there is empirical evidence that better governed companies are more effective platforms for wealth creation.”

Ending the IPO drought

One of the options that the amended law provides for privatising state-owned enterprises is to list them on the stock market through initial public offerings (IPOs). This is the preferred method for Kittony, who says that the NSE is collaborating with relevant regulators such as the Capital Markets Authority (CMA) to facilitate the smooth listing of targeted parastatals.

The Kenya Pipeline Company, which manages the country’s national oil and gas pipeline, is especially attractive to NSE investors, Kittony argues. KPC posted a pre-tax profit of Sh6.2bn (approx. $40m) for the year ending 30 June 2022 on total revenues of Sh26.21bn (approx. $170m) and total assets of Sh129.8bn ($840m), as per its most recent annual report. This makes it one of the most lucrative and valuable public enterprises in Kenya, hence the keen investor interest.

The NSE has not registered a new listing to the bourse since October 2015, when the Stanlib Fahari REIT was listed. The REIT is currently in the process of being delisted from the main investment segment of the NSE. The new privatisation plan is aimed at addressing this IPO drought, with President Ruto noting that his government intends to list 6-10 state-owned enterprises firms in the near future.

“We have established over the past few years that in Kenya we do not have a demand-side problem. There is a lot of demand for both equities and fixed income securities. The problem has always been on the supply side where we don’t have enough products to offer.” notes Kittony, expressing optimism that the renewed privatisation push will help reverse this.

However, privatisation alone is not enough to boost investor confidence. There is also a need to encourage private entities to list on the stock market, he explains. By having both public and private firms listed, Kenya can signal its commitment to market reforms and create more opportunities for domestic and foreign investors.

Kittony argues that privatisation transactions should be well-priced to ensure the government gets enough income from the privatisation exercise and the investors get a fair return.

“The pricing must be done in a way that gives upside to local investors.”

Political risks and viability of business models key concerns

However, not everyold is sold on the potential ease of a privatisation programme. Kwame Owino, CEO of the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA) – a think tank that facilitates informed debates to influence public policy in Kenya – privatisation has not been successful in Kenya and other East African countries because of various political obstacles.

The first political obstacle that Owino outlines is public resistance arising from lack of trust in the process.

“Privatisation is not easy to sell in the East African region partly because governments are not really trusted. Many people think that privatising is to hand over the nation’s crown jewels to the private sector,” he remarked in a media interview on the topic. There is also likely to be opposition from the country’s trade unions.

Owino says that another obstacle the privatisation process faces is silent but strong opposition from some government officials who may not want to lose the benefits and advantages that come with controlling parastatals.

“Even within the government itself there are many people who enjoy the privileges that come with sitting on boards or in some cases direct procurement with enterprises that are owned by the government. They find it difficult to cede that control.”

Some state-owned enterprises that are slated for privatisation may face low investor interest due to their unviable business models and long history of operating unprofitability. A case in point is Kenya Airways (KQ), in which the government owns a 48.9% stake. KQ has been draining public funds without giving any return on investment for many years. According to the auditor-general, the Treasury gave the national carrier Sh16.27bn ($100m) in 2022 without any loan agreement or recovery mechanism, highlighting the adverse impact of loss-making entities on the government’s finances.

KQ is not alone when it comes to unsatisfactory performance among state-owned-enterprises. A 2022 report by the Treasury’s Public Service Performance Management and Monitoring Unit reveals that the majority of parastatals in Kenya are struggling financially, operationally and strategically, with an increasing number relying on bailouts and subsidies to stay afloat. The survey rated 232 parastatals out of which only 92, a mere 39.6%, achieved their annual performance targets.

The ranking looked at the parastatals’ key mandate, customer experience, corruption prevention, project completion, payment of pending bills, absorption of funds, access to government procurement opportunities for the youth and women as well as internship opportunities for the youth.

Widespread underperformance among parastatals on these key metrics may lower the market value and appeal of state-owned enterprises as investment opportunities, complicating the privatisation process by making it difficult to find suitable investors. Other private investors will believe that they can provide the leadership required to oversee serious reform and a return to profitability.

Overcoming the legal hurdles

The privatisation plan also faces major legal hurdles. Opposition leader Raila Odinga’s party, the Orange Democratic Movement, has challenged the amended privatisation laws in court, arguing that the process should be subjected to a referendum due to the strategic significance of the firms listed for sale.

High Court judge Chacha Mwita in December ruled that the petition by the opposition leader raises important questions that warrant the Court’s attention. “I am satisfied that the petition raises substantial constitutional and legal issues of public importance that require critical examination,” he pointed out in his ruling. Mwita said any planned sales made under the revised law were suspended until Feb 6 2024, when the case will be heard.

The ODM party is sticking to its guns and demanding a referendum, particularly for assets like the Nairobi based KICC. The iconic conference center is a key part of the country’s national heritage, even featuring prominently on bank notes.

“If ever there was a matter over which a referendum was mandatory then it’s the sale of National Assets like KICC, KPC and the others. One generation of greedy leaders cannot just strip a Nation of its assets without reference to the people,” notes Edwin Sifuna, Nairobi senator and secretary general of ODM.

The government faces a tough court battle after ODM’s petition to pause privatisation under the new laws was heard by the High Court. However, it still has a fighting chance to get privitisation back on track. Many factors will influence the ongoing court case, such as the quality of the legal arguments, the evidence presented, and the possibility of dialogue between the government and the opposition. Meanwhile, President Ruto is determined to continue with his plan.

This is partly because Kenya needs to remain in the good graces of its main creditors, particularly the World Bank and the IMF, who have been urging the country to get rid of unprofitable state agencies and merge those that have overlapping functions. The privatisation of these firms is crucial for Kenya to maintain its good standing with its lenders.

Source: AfricanBusiness, 9th January 2024

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Ambiguous Ethiopia port deal fuels uncertainty over Somaliland statehood

The agreement accentuates historical ties between Ethiopia and Somaliland – and historical hostility with Somalia.

 

Somaliland President Muse Bihi Abdi, right, and Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed attend the signing of an agreement in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on January 1, 2024, that allows Ethiopia to use a Somaliland port [Tiksa Negeri/Reuters]

On Monday, an agreement signed in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, between Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed and President Muse Bihi Abdi of the breakaway republic of Somaliland preceded a shocking announcement that has already set the tone for interstate relations in the Horn of Africa this year.

The memorandum of understanding was for the leasing of 20km (12 miles) of Somaliland’s sea coast to landlocked Ethiopia. In exchange, Somaliland will receive shares in its neighbour’s flagship carrier, Ethiopian Airlines – and receive formal recognition as a sovereign state.

International recognition has been a long-sought goal for Somaliland, a region in northern Somalia that has enjoyed de facto independence since 1991. But the groundbreaking agreement has created shockwaves in the region and fury in Somalia, which views it as a hostile violation of Somalia’s sovereignty.

“As a government, we have condemned and rejected the illegal infringement of Ethiopia into our national sovereignty and territorial integrity yesterday,” Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud said in a statement on X shortly after convening an emergency cabinet session on Tuesday. “Not an inch of Somalia can or will be signed away by anybody.”

In Ethiopia, where for much of 2023 the government stressed the economic need for a seaport and even subtly hinted at possibly invading Eritrea for access to the Red Sea, the deal is being portrayed as a victory.

But the terms of that victory differ for Ethiopia and Somaliland, and that could further complicate the situation in the coming days.

While Somaliland insists that recognition has already been agreed upon and settled, Addis Ababa has been reluctant to firmly address the matter of statehood. In a published communique, the government said it had yet to formally recognise Somaliland. But social media posts by Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs official Mesganu Arga this week appear to support Somaliland’s interpretation of the deal.

The ambiguity of the messaging continues to fuel speculation. A draft of the agreement has yet to be published, but all indications suggest that it would all but nullify a 2018 tripartite treaty cementing ties between Ethiopia, Somalia and Eritrea, details of which were similarly never made public.

Pressure or patriotism?

Ethiopian officials have been far more eager to speak of the benefits the agreement is said to have secured.

“The agreement is mutually beneficial, and Ethiopia will share military and intelligence experience with Somaliland, so the two states can collaborate on protecting joint interests,” Redwan Hussein, Abiy’s national security adviser, said at the event announcing the agreement. “To facilitate this, Ethiopia will establish a military base in Somaliland as well as a commercial maritime zone.”

Abiy hopes the agreement can help kick-start Ethiopia’s revival after a year of worsening economic woes, internal conflicts and a breakdown in relations with Eritrea. Since the signing of the two countries’ widely heralded peace treaty in 2018, which helped Abiy land the Nobel Peace Prize a year later, Ethiopia has been keen to redirect its imports to Eritrean ports.

But this has never materialised.

Source: Al Jazeera, 4th January 2024

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Russia reopens embassy in Burkina Faso

Burkina Faso’s military ruler Capt Ibrahim Traoré attended a Russia-Africa summit in July

Russia has reopened its embassy in Burkina Faso after it was shut more than 30 years ago, officials have said.

Burkina Faso was a close ally of former colonial power France, but has pivoted towards Russia since the military seized power in a coup in 2022.

The junta has expelled French diplomats and has shut France’s military base in the country.

At the same time, it has been strengthening military and diplomatic ties with Russia.

France had condemned the coup in Burkina Faso, as well as in neighbouring Mali and Niger.

Russian President Vladimir Putin announced plans to reopen the embassy during the Russia-Africa summit in St Petersburg in July.

The embassy was closed in 1992 as Moscow reduced its involvement in Africa following the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union.

The embassy was reopened at a ceremony in Burkina Faso’s capital, Ouagadougou, Russia’s state-owned news agency Tass reported.

Russia has not yet named the head of the mission.

Russia’s ambassador to Ivory Coast, Alexei Saltykov, said he would head it until Mr Putin made an appointment, AFP news agency reports.

He described the West African state as “an old partner with whom we have solid and friendly ties”.

Under Mr Putin, Russia has made a huge push in recent years to regain influence in Africa.

Burkina Faso’s Defence Minister, Col Kassoum Coulibaly, held talks with his Russian counterpart Sergei Shoigu in Moscow last month, in the latest meeting between military officials from the two countries.

Col Coulibaly said the talks had reached a “practical phase” as Burkina Faso’s army tried to strengthen its capabilities.

Along with Mali and Niger, Burkina Faso has been battling an Islamist insurgency.

Mali’s junta has called in Russia’s Wagner mercenary group to help fight the militants while expelling French troops.

Burkina Faso’s junta has denied allegations, made last year by Ghana’s President Nana Akufo-Addo, that it too has brought in Wagner.

In other areas of co-operation, Burkina Faso signed a deal with Russia in July for the construction of a nuclear power plant to increase its energy supply.

Less than a quarter of the country’s population has access to electricity.

Last month, Russia also sent a team of doctors to help Burkina Faso deal with deadly outbreaks of dengue fever and chikungunya.

Source: BBC, 29th December 2023

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Russia’s foreign minister tours North Africa as anger toward the West swells across the region

This photo provided by the Tunisia presidency shows Tunisian President Kais Saied, right, shaking hands with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, Thursday Dec. 21, 2023 in Tunis. Russia is working to deepen political and economic ties and spread its narrative about wars in Ukraine and Gaza. (Slim Abid/Tunisian Presidency via AP)

TUNIS, Tunisia (AP) — Not far from where Russia’s Foreign Minister is holding meetings in Tunisia on Thursday, large green billboards advertising Russia Today, a Kremlin-backed media outlet, have been recently erected.

The ads are yet another indicator that Russia continues to expand its presence in North Africa as support for western powers across the Arab World fades amid the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza.

With deep trade ties and large diaspora populations in western Europe, North African countries have long maintained close, albeit complicated, relations with the European Union.

Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia also enjoy close relations with the United States.

But since October the region has been convulsed by protests about Israel’s latest war with Hamas, including in Tunis, where demonstrators have rallied in front of the United States and French embassies, chanting for a free Palestine.

Arab Barometer, a non-partisan research firm, published data last week that suggested the United States’ popularity fell 30 percentage points in the weeks after the Israel-Hamas war began. It found France’s image also suffered.

“Tunisians’ views on the world shifted in ways that rarely happen even over the course of a few years. There is no other issue across the Arab world to which people feel so individually and emotionally connected,” Arab Barometer researchers concluded, based on 2,406 interviews.

In the vacuum created by western powers’ diminishing popularity, Moscow has doubled down on efforts to strengthen its ties to North Africa and spread its narrative about issues including Ukraine and Gaza. Russian officials are exchanging visits with North African leaders, seeking new trade agreements and signing joint memorandums that cover issues ranging from Ukraine to Syria.

“It has become obvious that some external forces are not averse to using the next escalation of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict in their own interest, to ignite the fire of a regional war,” Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said at this week’s Arab-Russian Cooperation Forum in Marrakech, alluding to the United States.

Marrakech was the first destination on Lavrov’s tour through North Africa. He arrived in Tunis on Wednesday evening to meet with President Kais Saied and Tunisia’s foreign minister, who visited Moscow in September, when the two countries announced a new grain deal.

Before Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Tunisia received roughly half of its total wheat imports from Ukraine.

While lamenting pressure from countries that isolate Russia, Lavrov announced new efforts to expand energy and agriculture trade with North Africa.

He also contrasted Russia’s positions with those of the United States in the Middle East.

Source: AP, 21st December 2023

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Nigeria outlook

On Monday, the 14th of January, the Nigeria Outlook event is held annually at the offices of Standard Chartered Bank in London. The event will provide an overview of Nigeria’s current macroeconomic position and discuss the political, economic and commercial prospects for the country in the year ahead. The keynote speaker will be Razia Khan, Chief Economist for East Africa and the Middle East at Standard Chartered Bank. Other speakers will be confirmed soon. Invest Africa members can register interest to Philippa Jalland.

Razia Khan – Chief Economist for Africa and the Middle East, Standard Chartered Bank

With over 20 years of experience covering emerging and frontier markets, Razia Khan is a well-known commentator on the region. She has provided regular updates to Central Banks, finance ministries and sovereign wealth funds. She currently serves on the WEF’s Global Future Council on Migration and on the Advisory Board of the Royal African Society. She was named one of the ‘100 Most Influential Africans’ in 2015 by New African Magazine and the ‘100 Africa Economics Leaders’ by Institut Choiseul (2017). Razia holds BSc and MSc (Econ) degrees from the London School of Economics.

Source: Invest Africa

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